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% Selection : Author: Ronnie_Cann
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@InCollection{Crysmann:2001,
      AUTHOR = {Crysmann, Berthold},
      TITLE = {Syntactic Transparency of Pronominal Affixes},
      YEAR = {2001},
      BOOKTITLE = {Grammatical Interfaces in HPSG},
      PAGES = {77-96},
      EDITOR = {Cann, Ronnie and Grover, Claire and Miller, Philip},
      ADDRESS = {Stanford},
      PUBLISHER = {CSLI Publications},
      URL = {https://www.coli.uni-saarland.de/~crysmann/papers/SynTran.html},
      ABSTRACT = {Approaches to bound pronominals in HPSG reflect a strict dichotomy between postlexical clitics and lexical (or phrasal) affixes, a distinction already drawn in cliticisation theories developed by Miller (1992) or Halpern (1995). Motivated by the rigorous application of the diagnostic criteria suggested in Zwicky and Pullum (1983) and Miller (1992), clitics in Romance languages are treated as lexical afixes, whose morphological and morphosyntactic properties are derived entirely within the lexicon (Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi (1996). Weak pronominals in Polish (Kupsc 1999) and second position clitics in Serbo-Croat (Penn 1999), however, enjoy a much higher degree of syntactic transparency, favouring an analysis in terms of linearisation approaches. In this paper, I will suggest that European Portuguese (EP) represents a transitional type, where clitics have already acquired the morphological properties of lexical affixes, yet, ``the rules governing clitic placement seem to relate more to syntax than to prosody or morphology'' (Spencer 1991, p. 365). I will argue that the distinction between constituent structure and order domains, as drawn in linearisation-based variants of HPSG, provides the necessary tools to model the syntax of transparent affixes, relating EP clitics to both their Romance and Slavic counterparts.}
}

@InCollection{Müller:2000_2,
      AUTHOR = {Müller, Stefan},
      TITLE = {German Particle Verbs and the Predicate Complex},
      YEAR = {2000},
      BOOKTITLE = {Grammatical Interfaces in HPSG},
      VOLUME = {8},
      PAGES = {215-229},
      EDITOR = {Cann, Ronnie and Grover, Claire and Miller, Philip},
      SERIES = {Studies in Constraint-Based Lexicalism},
      ADDRESS = {Stanford},
      PUBLISHER = {CSLI},
      URL = {http://www.dfki.de/~stefan/PS/part-complex.ps},
      ABSTRACT = {In German there is a class of verbs that can appear discontinuously (1). The part that appears to the left of the main verb in verb final position and that is stranded when the finite verb is in initial position is traditionally called a separable prefix. Since prefixes are by definition not separable, the terms particle and preverb are used in more recent work. (1) a. Setzt der Fährmann Karl über? takes the ferryman Karl across 'Does the ferryman take Karl across?' b. daß der Fährmann Karl übersetzt. that the ferryman Karl across.takes In (1a), where the verb is in initial position, the preverb is stranded. Below I will argue that separable verbs in German behave like other elements in the predicate complex. This view is supported by the following facts: Preverbs are serialized like verbal or predicative adjectival complements in the right sentence bracket (the right periphery of a clause that does not contain extraposed elements), they can be fronted as can be done with single verbs or predicative adjectives. If preverbs are analyzed as part of the predicate complex, the fronting data can be accounted for as an instance of complex fronting (Partial Verb Phrase Fronting (PVP)). The inability of particles and predicates in resultative constructions to co-occur and the non-iterability of preverbs will be explained by the fact that particles and resultative predicates occupy a designated valance position that does not allow more than one particle Grammatical Interfaces in HPSG.},
      ANNOTE = {COLIURL : Muller:2000:GPV.pdf Muller:2000:GPV.ps}
}